“Life is a journey, not a destination.” — Ralph Waldo Emerson
The timeless words—often spotted in self-help books, postcards, or wall art—remain prophetic. They tell us that fulfillment is not found at the finish line but in the pilgrimage—the winding road of struggle, growth, and awareness that shapes us along the way.
James A. Garfield, 20th U.S. president, sharpened the paradox:
“The truth will set you free, but first it will make you miserable.”
Freedom is the destination, but misery is the journey—the painful unveiling before liberation.
In the impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte, these two truths collide. The destination is predetermined: acquittal by numbers, thirteen bloc votes outweighing nine dissenters and two independents.
Yet the journey—the stacks of evidence, the opening of Pandora’s boxes—is miserable from her viewpoint, but necessary for the Filipino people’s longing for truth.
Condorcet’s Promise and Drilon’s Legacy
Running into Condorcet’s Jury Theorem for the first time caught my eye as an engineer now writing political commentary. It was striking to see how mathematics could illuminate the moral mechanics of democracy.
Formulated by the French mathematician and philosopher Marquis de Condorcet in 1785, the theorem proposes that if a group of individuals makes a collective decision by majority vote—and each has a better than 50 percent chance of being right—the probability that the group’s decision is correct increases as the group grows larger.
It is, in essence, the mathematical backbone of the “wisdom of the crowd.”
In its ideal form, the Philippine Senate once embodied this promise. Former senator Franklin Drilon famously described it as “24 independent republics,” a chamber where each senator functioned autonomously, zealously guarding their own stance on national issues rather than bowing to a unified party line.
During the heyday of Salonga, Diokno et al, this independence meant the Senate could act as a true jury—deliberating with conscience, weighing evidence, and amplifying truth through diversity of thought.
Each senator was a republic unto themselves, and the collective decision carried the weight of competence and independence that Condorcet envisioned.
But that Senate—the one of Salonga, Diokno et al, and Drilon’s “24 independent republics”—now feels like a relic of a nobler age. The chamber that once embodied Condorcet’s vision of competence and independence has drifted toward conformity.
Where senators once stood as autonomous republics, they now move as a bloc; where conscience once guided votes, convenience now conducts them. The jury that could have converged toward truth has become a choir rehearsing loyalty, its harmony drowning out the fragile solos of reason.
From Jury to Choir
And so, begins the transformation: from deliberation to performance, from republics to rehearsed refrain.
The Senate has become less a constellation of independent republics, more a choir rehearsing loyalty. Bloc voting collapses independence, competence bends to convenience, and the “wisdom of the crowd” dissolves into the folly of the herd.
The “24 republics” have been reduced to a “Gang of 13,” rehearsing one note, drowning out the fragile solos of conscience.
This predetermined destination is echoed—though in different tones—by two prominent voices in The Manila Times.
Columnist Marlen V. Ronquillo paints the Senate majority as a confederacy of Duterte loyalists, sympathizers, hangers-on, and fence-sitters.
He warns that these gatekeepers will suppress the “explosive and damning evidence” itemized by the House, only to end with “the odious act of supplication” to their president-in-waiting. In his words, the trial’s endgame is already scripted: acquittal.
On the other side of the aisle, Rigoberto D. Tiglao underscores the same inevitability, but in a cooler, arithmetic tone.
He notes that Senate math favors Duterte: she needs only nine senators to vote against conviction to survive. With a solid bloc of allies, her acquittal is “very unlikely” to be overturned.
Together, these insights—one fiery, one clinical—converge on the same truth: the numbers dictate the destination. Whether framed as a “Gang of 13” rehearsing loyalty or as cold Senate math, the outcome is acquittal.
The Journey of Truth
Yet, as Emerson reminds us, life is a journey, not a destination. And Garfield sharpens the paradox: truth will set us free, but first it will make us miserable.
Thus, the impeachment becomes less about the foregone verdict and more about the journey of truth—miserable for the Vice President as Pandora’s boxes are opened, but necessary for the Filipino people who long to see the evidence unveiled.
Author Paul Rulkens warned that the majority is often wrong, trapped on autopilot, smashing into the same wall.
Here, the pro-Duterte majority becomes that wall—unyielding, immovable, predetermined. Yet the impeachment still matters, because the Filipino people are not passive spectators. They are the ultimate jury, weighing not only the evidence but the integrity of the Senate itself.
Thus, the trial is doubled. Sara Duterte stands accused, but the Senate itself is judged. Each senator’s vote is not merely a verdict on the Vice President—it is a verdict on their own conscience.
Redemption and Hope
Acquittal may be certain, but truth is stubborn.
The Senate may sing one note, but the Filipino people will not forget the melody of evidence. In the end, the impeachment is not a courtroom with a closed verdict—it is a pilgrimage of conscience.
And when the caravan arrives at its foregone destination, the people will judge not the gates, but the travelers.
Yet even in this foregone conclusion, there lingers the possibility of redemption as columnist Manuel L. Quezon III wrote in his Inquirer column.
The journey, though miserable, can still offer a chance for dignity—if senators choose to weigh evidence with integrity rather than rehearse loyalty.
Ana Marie Pamintuan sharpens this hope with challenge: the Marcos Jr. administration, suspected of playing zarzuela with the Senate, can yet show intestinal fortitude.
By upholding the rule of law—by indicting obstructionists rather than shielding them—it can redeem itself from complicity. Failure to act would be as damning as a failure to catch Bato dela Rosa.
And here lies the deeper parable: redemption means rediscovering the Senate’s identity as “24 independent republics,” once described by Franklin Drilon in the heyday of Salonga, Diokno et al.
It ought to be a senate of autonomous voices, each guarding conscience, each weighing evidence, each refusing to be drowned in a choir of one note.
So let the parable end not in despair but in possibility: the Senate, though a choir today, can still reclaim its voice as a jury tomorrow. The administration, though shaken by suspicion, can still prove itself a guardian of justice.
Emerson’s reminder stands—life is a journey, not a destination. And Garfield’s paradox holds—the truth will set us free, though first it will make us miserable. But misery is not the end; it is the passage.
And in that passage lies hope—that democracy, though bruised, may yet heal through truth, conscience, and the rediscovery of independence.
Content & editing put together in collaboration with Bing Microsoft AI-powered Co-pilot
Head image created by Bing Co-pilot; art design by Canva
Still photos by POLITIKO, The Manila Times, Facebook, Philstar, & Quote Fancy




































